Probing the Repulsive Core of the Nucleon-Nucleon Interaction via the 4He( e, e′ pN) Triple-Coincidence Reaction

We studied simultaneously the 4He(e,e′p), 4He (e,e′pp), and 4He( e,e′pn) reactions at Q2 = 2(GeV/c)2 and xB \u3e 1,for an (e,e′p) missing-momentum range of 400 to 830 MeV/c. The knocked-out proton was detected in coincidence with a proton or neutron recoiling almost back to back to the missing momentum, leaving the residual A = 2 system at low excitation energy. These data were used to identify two-nucleon short-range correlated pairs and to deduce their isospin structure as a function of missing momentum, in a region where the nucleon-nucleon (NN) force is expected to change from predominantly tensor to repulsive. The abundance of neutron-proton pairs is reduced as the nucleon momentum increases beyond ∼500 MeV/c. The extracted fraction of proton-proton pairs is small and almost independent of the missing momentum. Our data are compared with calculations of two-nucleon momentum distributions in 4He and discussed in the context of probing the elusive repulsive component of the NN force

Electroexcitation of the Δ+(1232)\Delta^{+}(1232) at low momentum transfer

We report on new p$(e,e^\prime p)\pi^\circ$ measurements at the $\Delta^{+}(1232)$ resonance at the low momentum transfer region. The mesonic cloud dynamics is predicted to be dominant and rapidly changing in this kinematic region offering a test bed for chiral effective field theory calculations. The new data explore the low $Q^2$ dependence of the resonant quadrupole amplitudes while extending the measurements of the Coulomb quadrupole amplitude to the lowest momentum transfer ever reached. The results disagree with predictions of constituent quark models and are in reasonable agreement with dynamical calculations that include pion cloud effects, chiral effective field theory and lattice calculations. The reported measurements suggest that improvement is required to the theoretical calculations and provide valuable input that will allow their refinements

A Precision Measurement of the Neutron Twist-3 Matrix Element d2nd_2^n: Probing Color Forces

Double-spin asymmetries and absolute cross sections were measured at large Bjorken $x$ (0.25 $\le x \le$ 0.90), in both the deep-inelastic and resonance regions, by scattering longitudinally polarized electrons at beam energies of 4.7 and 5.9 GeV from a transversely and longitudinally polarized $^3$He target. In this dedicated experiment, the spin structure function $g_2$ on $^3$He was determined with precision at large $x$, and the neutron twist-three matrix element $d_2^n$ was measured at \left of 3.21 and 4.32 GeV$^2$/$c^2$, with an absolute precision of about $10^{-5}$. Our results are found to be in agreement with lattice QCD calculations and resolve the disagreement found with previous data at \left = 5 GeV$^2$/$c^2$. Combining $d_2^n$ and a newly extracted twist-four matrix element, $f_2^n$, the average neutron color electric and magnetic forces were extracted and found to be of opposite sign and about 30 MeV/fm in magnitude.Comment: Corrected a typo in the author list and Figure 1 legend. 6 pages, 2 figures, 2 table

Measurement of the Neutron Radius of 208Pb Through Parity-Violation in Electron Scattering

We report the first measurement of the parity-violating asymmetry A_PV in the elastic scattering of polarized electrons from 208Pb. A_PV is sensitive to the radius of the neutron distribution (Rn). The result A_PV = 0.656 \pm 0.060 (stat) \pm 0.014 (syst) ppm corresponds to a difference between the radii of the neutron and proton distributions Rn - Rp = 0.33 +0.16 -0.18 fm and provides the first electroweak observation of the neutron skin which is expected in a heavy, neutron-rich nucleus.Comment: 6 pages, 1 figur

Measurement of the Target-Normal Single-Spin Asymmetry in Quasi-Elastic Scattering from the Reaction 3^3He↑(e,e′)^\uparrow(e,e^\prime)

We report the first measurement of the target single-spin asymmetry, $A_y$, in quasi-elastic scattering from the inclusive reaction $^3$He$^{\uparrow}(e,e^\prime)$ on a $^3$He gas target polarized normal to the lepton scattering plane. Assuming time-reversal invariance, this asymmetry is strictly zero for one-photon exchange. A non-zero $A_y$ can arise from the interference between the one- and two-photon exchange processes which is sensitive to the details of the sub-structure of the nucleon. An experiment recently completed at Jefferson Lab yielded asymmetries with high statistical precision at $Q^{2}=$ 0.13, 0.46 and 0.97 GeV$^{2}$. These measurements demonstrate, for the first time, that the $^3$He asymmetry is clearly non-zero and negative with a statistical significance of (8-10)$\sigma$. Using measured proton-to-$^{3}$He cross-section ratios and the effective polarization approximation, neutron asymmetries of $-$(1-3)% were obtained. The neutron asymmetry at high $Q^2$ is related to moments of the Generalized Parton Distributions (GPDs). Our measured neutron asymmetry at $Q^2=0.97$ GeV$^2$ agrees well with a prediction based on two-photon exchange using a GPD model and thus provides a new, independent constraint on these distributions

The European Union in the World — A Community of Values

These are momentous times in Europe. The Euro has been successfully introduced, the enlargement negotiations are approaching their climax, and the European Convention (“Convention”) is moving towards the drafting of a constitution for a new, continent-wide political entity. At the same time, unrest is manifest, particularly in two areas. On the one hand, many of our citizens, and not just the political elites, are dissatisfied with Europe\u27s performance on the world stage and are concerned about the maintenance of peace and security within the Union. In these areas they would like to see a strengthened, more effective entity-- “more Europe.” On the other hand, their disenchantment with the long reach of European Union (“EU” or “Union”) regulation in the first pillar area of economic policy is growing. The feeling of loss of local control over their destiny and a vague feeling of potential loss of identity within an ever more centralized polity is palpable. Here, they want “less Europe.” In the outside world, change is also the order of the day. The ice-sheet of bipolarity, which overlaid and hid the complexity of international relations during the Cold War, is breaking up at an ever-increasing speed and revealing a world in which two paradigms are competing to become the underlying ordering principles for the new century. The traditional paradigm of interacting Nation States, each pursuing its own separate interests, with alliances allowing the small to compete with the large, is alive and well, and its proponents like Machiavelli or Churchill continue to be in vogue in the literature of international relations and the rhetoric of world leaders. At the same time, there is a school of thought which points to the growing economic and ecological interdependence of our societies and the necessity for new forms of global governance to complement national action. It is also becoming abundantly clear that the concept of a “Nation State” is often a fiction, positing as it does an identity between the citizens of a State and the members of a culturally homogenous society. For both reasons, the concept of the Nation State as the principal actor on the world stage, is called into question. The experience of the Union with the sharing of State sovereignty is clearly related to the second paradigm and also to the EU\u27s firm support for the development of the United Nations (“U.N.”) as well as other elements of multilateral governance. It would hardly be wise to suggest that any foreign policy, and certainly not that of the EU, should be based only on this paradigm. Given the recurrent threats to security, which seem to be part of the human condition expressed by some as the “inevitability of war”--the defense of territorial integrity; action against threats of aggression; and resistance to crimes against humanity such as genocide--the ability to conduct a security policy based much more on the old paradigm of interacting interests will continue to be required. That the EU needs to develop such a capability will be taken here as a given. Such a crisis-management capability will be essential to the Union, but will be distinguished here from the more long-term elements of foreign policy, which can be thought of as being designed to reduce the need for crisis management in the context of a security policy to a minimum. The crisis-management area of policy will not be treated further here. The thesis of this Essay is that the same set of political concepts can serve as a guide to the future internal development of the EU and as the basis of such a long-term foreign policy. Furthermore, it suggests that neither should be seen in terms of the balancing of interests but rather, as the expression of a small list of fundamental values. The list is as follows: (1) the rule of law as the basis for relations between members of society; (2) the interaction between the democratic process and entrenched human rights in political decision-making; (3) the operation of competition within a market economy as the source of increasing prosperity; (4) the anchoring of the principle of solidarity among all members of society alongside that of the liberty of the individual; (5) the adoption of the principle of sustainability of all economic development; and (6) the preservation of separate identities and the maintenance of cultural diversity within society. These values can be seen as the answer to the question posed both, by citizens of the Union and by our fellow citizens of the world: “What does the EU stand for?” In exploring these values we should, however, remember that in the real world there will be occasions on which Realpolitik will intrude and the interest-based paradigm will prevail